Emperor Hadrian: A Complete Guide to Rome’s Traveling Emperor

The period of history between the reign of Trajan and the death of Marcus Aurelius — from 98 to 180 CE — is usually characterized as the height of the Roman Empire. The period was recognized as a golden age in part due to the character of the emperors themselves; it had begun, of course, with Trajan – the optimus princeps himself. Significantly, the emperors during this period all adopted their successors. Lacking biological heirs of their own, they instead appointed their successors from the ‘best of men’ available; meritocracy, not genealogy, appeared to be the principle that guided these emperors to imperial power. One would be forgiven for thinking that such a policy would put a stop to any issues surrounding the succession. The case of Hadrian dispelled any such notions. Reigning from 117 to 138 CE, his reign was characterized by magnificent cultural expressions of Roman creativity. It was, however, also marked by periods of conflict and tension.

Born in 76 CE, Hadrian hailed — like Trajan — from the city of Italica (near modern Seville) in Spain, from a family of aristocratic Italian stock. His father’s first cousin was the man who would become the emperor Trajan. Hadrian would be cared for by the future emperor when his parents died when he was just 10 years old. Hadrian’s early years contained few surprises, following the expected course of an aristocratic adolescence. This included a good education and his advancement along the cursus honorum (the traditional sequence of public offices for men of senatorial rank). He was enrolled in the army. It was during his service as a military tribune that Hadrian was first introduced to the machinations of imperial power. It was Hadrian who was dispatched to Trajan to give him the news of his adoption by Nerva (it was all the old man could do to quell unrest after the murder of Domitian). Later, Hadrian would accompany Trajan as emperor during his Dacian and Parthian campaigns, gaining important exposure to the soldiers he would one day command.

His connection to Trajan’s family was further solidified in around 100 CE, by his marriage to Vibia Sabina, Trajan’s grandniece. The marriage was not overly popular with the emperor. Despite their familial connections, there was no indication even late into Trajan’s reign that Hadrian had received any particular distinction marking him as the imperial heir. It is suggested that Trajan’s wife — empress Plotina — influenced not only Hadrian’s marriage to Sabina, but also his eventual succession as she cared for the mortally ill Trajan on his deathbed. Some sources suggest that it was Plotina, not the emperor, who signed the adoption document, confirming Hadrian as the imperial heir. A further irregularity was the geographic distance between the two men; Roman law required all parties to be present at an adoption ceremony, yet whilst Trajan lay dying in 118 CE, Hadrian remained in Syria.

The ancient historians themselves were divided over the legality of the succession. Cassius Dio highlighted the connivance of Plotina, whilst similarly the Historia Augusta — that always fun, but not always factual, 4th-century biography of emperors — declared that: “Hadrian was declared adopted, and then only by means of a trick of Plotina’s…” The death of four leading senators soon after has oft been cited as further evidence of Machiavellian politics at play in the lead up to Hadrian’s succession. Their death would also contribute to tensions with the senate that would dog the entirety of Hadrian’s reign, despite the popularity he enjoyed elsewhere.

The ancient historians themselves were divided over the legality of the succession. Cassius Dio highlights the connivance of Plotina, while similarly the Historia Augusta — the always fun, but not always factual, 4th-century biography of emperors — declared that: “Hadrian was declared adopted, and then only by means of a trick of Plotina’s…” The death of four leading senators soon after has oft been cited as further evidence of Machiavellian politics at play in the lead up to Hadrian’s succession. Their death would also contribute to tensions with the senate that would dog the entirety of Hadrian’s reign, despite the popularity he enjoyed elsewhere. 

Reputedly, Plotina’s relationship with Hadrian — which was so pivotal to his accession — was based on their shared beliefs and cultural values. The two of them understood the Empire — the vast spaces of Roman rule and its disparate population — as being built on the foundation of a shared Hellenic, which is to say Greek, culture. Since his youth, Hadrian had been enamored with the culture of the Greeks, earning him the nickname Graeculus (“Greekling”). Reputedly, he favored the dress-sense of the Greeks, wearing a Greek cloak at banquets in the presence of senators. By the time of his accession, Hadrian had already spent considerable time in Greece as part of his education. In Athens, the Greek polis for which he had a particular affinity, Hadrian had already been granted citizenship and other honors. This included the archonship (the chief magistrate) of the city in 112 CE.

As Emperor, his interest in Greece continued unabated. This would not necessarily have been well received at Rome; the last emperor to take too keen an interest in Greece — Nero — had very quickly lost support for his Hellenistic, cultural proclivities (notably on stage). Despite this, Hadrian traveled again to Greece as part of his tour of the empire in 124 CE, returning in 128 and 130 CE. When traveling in Greece, Hadrian moved often, not limiting himself to Athens. His travels were encouraged by the leading Greek notables, such as the famous Athenian nobleman, Herodes Atticus. Notably, these individuals had been reticent to engage too fulsomely with Roman politics prior to Hadrian’s reign. The emperor’s direct, personal interaction with the local aristocracy appears to have been the catalyst for these wealthy individuals competing to sponsor great projects across the imperial provinces. Herodes Atticus, for one, left an indelible stamp on the Athenian cityscape with several monuments.

More broadly, Hadrian’s attempts at unity point to his belief in the shared Mediterranean culture. Reflective of this, he was also heavily involved in Hellenistic cult practices, most famously the Eleusinian Mysteries at Athens (in which he participated several times). However, it was in architecture that his interest in all things Greek manifested itself most clearly. His travels to the region were often times of great construction, with structures ranging from the grandiose — such as the Athenian Temple to Olympian Zeus, which he had overseen the completion of — to the practical, including an array of aqueducts. Several of these public works were completed in the wider Greek world, with engineering work delivering fresh water to the city of Argos; the polis had been recognized as thirsty for centuries, even being described as such in Homer’s epics!

Almost all Roman emperors traveled. In fact, those who elected to stay in Rome — such as Antoninus Pius — were in the minority. However, their various journeys were frequently in the name of war; the emperor would journey to the campaign and, if he was successful, take a meandering route back to Rome, there to celebrate a triumph. In times of peace, it was more common for emperors to rely on the reports of their representatives, as the correspondence between Trajan and Pliny the Younger makes clear.

Hadrian, however, is especially famous for his peregrinations. For him, travel appears to have been almost a raison d’être. He actually spent more than half of his reign outside of Italy, and his exposure to the cultures of the Empire would leave a lasting legacy on the culture of the Hadrianic Empire. Alongside his time spent in Greece, his travels took him to the far northern frontiers of the empire in Britain, to heat of the Empire’s Asian and African provinces, ranging as far east as the wealthy trading center of Palmyra (which received the name Hadriana Palmyra in honor of his visit), to North Africa and Egypt. Everywhere he went, he displayed evidence of his awareness of and appreciation for Classical culture. In Egypt, he oversaw the restoration of the tomb of Pompey the Great, even composing an epigraph for the great rival of Julius Caesar.

An important aspect of Hadrian’s travels around the empire was to inspect the Limes, the imperial frontiers. The reign of Trajan, his predecessor, had resulted in the Empire reaching its greatest geographic extent following the conquest of Dacia and the campaigns in Parthia. However, Hadrian elected to reverse Trajan’s overtly expansionist policies. Some of the territories Rome had won in the east were given up, with Hadrian instead interested in establishing secure and fixed defensive limits to the empire.

These imperial limits are still famous today. Hadrian’s Wall in the north of England, for instance, marked the northern limit of the Empire; beyond it was the unconquered territory of Caledonia. Perhaps the most famous of the Roman imperial frontiers, this defensive structure runs from Wallsend on the River Tyne in the northeast of England, to Bowness-on-Solway in the west, a distance of 73 miles. Historians have noted that such a structure would have had a profound psychological impact, as well as physical: the ability to construct such a vast defensive network would have informed the people of Britain, on both sides of the wall, the power of the Roman Empire and the emperor. Similar structures in North Africa — the fotassum Africae — have similarly been attributed to Hadrian, and indicate the southern borders of the Empire. The emperor’s decision to give up these territories incurred the disapproval of some sections of Roman society.

Hadrian and the Third Jewish War

Rome endured a tumultuous relationship with Judaea. Religious tensions, exacerbated by heavy-handed imperial (mis)management had previously led to revolts, most notably the First Roman-Jewish War of 66-73 CE. This war was only brought to a conclusion with the siege and destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem by Titus, the son of Emperor Vespasian. Although the region was still in a state of ruin following this, Hadrian visited Judaea and the ruined city of Jerusalem during his travels.

However, religious tensions once more appear to have led to an outbreak of violence. An imperial visit and integration of the region into the empire would have been predicated on the population taking an active role in Roman religion. This wouldn’t have meant the abandonment of the Jewish faith, but rather that the faith was practiced alongside traditional Roman cult, especially honoring the emperor himself. Such polytheistic integration was commonplace across the empire but naturally ran contrary to the monotheistic faith of the Jews. The ever-problematic Historia Augusta suggests that the revolt was in part fueled by Hadrian’s attempted abolition of the practice of circumcision. Although there is no evidence of this, it serves as a useful frame of reference for understanding the incompatibility of Roman and Jewish religious beliefs.

A revolt quickly broke out, fueled by anti-Roman sentiment, led by Simon bar Kokhba. This was the Third Roman-Jewish War, which lasted from around 132 to 135 CE. Casualties were heavy on both sides, with the Jews, in particular, shedding much blood: Cassius Dio records the death of some 580,000 men, along with the destruction of over 1,000 settlements of various sizes. With the defeat of the revolt, Hadrian erased the Jewish heritage of the region. The province was renamed Syria Palaestina, whilst Jerusalem itself was renamed Aelia Capitolina (renamed for himself — Aelia — and the god, Jupiter Capitolinus).

Hadrian wasn’t given the moniker Graeculus without reason. Although given to him as a youth, his career as emperor displays a consistent engagement with and interest in the culture of Greece. This is most clear in the architecture of the Empire that survives from the period of his reign. The city of Rome itself owes perhaps its most iconic structure — the Pantheon — to Hadrian. This “temple to all gods” — the literal meaning of Pantheon — was rebuilt by Hadrian following its devastation by a fire in 80 CE.

It had originally been built by Marcus Agrippa, the right-hand man of Augustus, and Hadrian’s reconstruction is notable for the respect it pays to its origins. Displayed proudly on the portico is the inscription: M. AGRIPPA. L. F. COS. TERTIUM. FECIT. Translated, this states: Marcus Agrippa, son of Lucius (Lucii filius), consul for the third time, built this. Respect for the original builders was a recurrent theme across Hadrian’s restoration projects across the city and the empire. This stands in stark contrast to other emperors; directly under Hadrian’s inscription on the Pantheon, the emperor Septimius Severus left another — much longer — inscription, celebrating his own (less substantial) renovations on the structure. Elsewhere in Rome, he was responsible for the Temple of Venus and Roma, opposite the Colosseum on the edges of the Forum Romanum.

On the outskirts of Rome, in Tivoli, Hadrian also built an expansive private villa that covered roughly 7 square miles. The architecture there was magnificent, and even today, the expanse of what remains provides a telling indication of the opulence and splendor of this former imperial residence. Work on the villa began early in Hadrian’s reign, although evidence provided by brick stamps shows work was ongoing throughout his reign; likewise, portraits of his successors, from Antoninus Pius to Caracalla, have been found at Tivoli, showing how the villa remained a popular palatial alternative to the Palatine. More importantly, the early date of construction is suggestive of Hadrian’s desire to distance himself from the center of Rome as soon as possible, hinting at the fractious relationship the emperor endured with Rome’s traditional elite.

It also conveyed the influences of Hadrian’s cosmopolitanism. Many of the structures of the villa were inspired by the cultures of the empire, especially from Egypt and Greece. Similarly, the sculptural decoration at the villa also testified to the breadth of Hadrian’s travels and his cultural interests. There were imitations of the caryatids, the distinctive sculptures from the Erectheion at Athens, as well as the statues of the Egyptian god, Bes. Reputedly, it was also hinted at by the Historia Augusta that the rebellious Palmyrene queen Zenobia was allowed to live out her days at Tivoli after being captured by Aurelian in the third century.

Typical of Hadrian’s reign, however, tensions bubbled beneath the surface — even in a field as seemingly benign as architecture. Reputedly his own high opinion of his architectural skills brought him into tension with Apollodorus of Damascus, the exceptional architect who had worked with Trajan and was responsible for the wondrous bridge over the Danube. According to Dio, the architect offered pointed criticisms of Hadrian’s plans for the temple of Venus and Roma, which so enraged the emperor that he banished the architect before ordering his death!

Hadrian’s marriage to Sabina, the grandniece of Trajan, was far from a marriage made in heaven. Its political benefits could hardly be overstated, but in terms of the relationship between husband and wife, it left a lot to be desired. Sabina accumulated a wealth of public honors during her husband’s reign — unprecedented since Livia, the wife of Augustus and mother of Tiberius. She had also traveled widely with her husband and was well-known throughout the empire, appearing frequently on coinages. One scandalous episode in the Historia Augusta has Hadrian’s secretary — the biographer Suetonius no less — dismissed from court for his overly familiar conduct towards Sabina! However, as far as the imperial marriage was concerned, there appears to have been little love — or even warmth — between the two.

Rather, Hadrian, allegedly much like Trajan before him, much preferred the company of men and homosexual relations. His great love was Antinous, a young man from Bithynia (northern Asia Minor). He accompanied Hadrian on his travels of the Empire, even being inducted into the Eleusinian Mysteries with the emperor in Athens. However, in mysterious circumstances, the young man died as the imperial retinue floated down the Nile in 130 CE. Whether he drowned, was murdered, or committed suicide remains unknown and the subject of speculation.

Whatever the cause, Hadrian was devastated. He founded the city of Antinoöpolis on the site where his great love had died, as well as ordering his deification and cult. The importance of Antinous is evidenced by the wealth of statuary that has survived, showing the cult of the handsome young man spread around the Empire. Some, however, were critical of the intense grief Hadrian expressed for Antinous, especially given the coldness of his marriage to Sabina.

Hadrian spent the final years of his life back in the imperial capital; he remained in Rome from 134 CE onwards. His final years were marked by sadness. His victory in the Second Roman-Jewish War was kept comparatively muted — the uprising marked a failure in the attempts to establish a unifying Hellenistic culture across the Empire. Similarly, Sabina passed away in 136 CE, bringing to a close a marriage of political necessity and one that passed without children. Lacking an heir, Hadrian was in a similar position to his predecessor. He ultimately settled on Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, who would go on to reign as Antoninus Pius. From 134 CE, he had also overseen the construction of the Mausoleum of Hadrian. Known today as Castel Sant’Angelo (thanks to its afterlife as a medieval fortress), this domineering structure would go on to be the final resting place of emperors from Hadrian to Caracalla in the early third century.

Hadrian died in the summer of 138 CE, aged 62. He passed away at his imperial villa in Baiae, on the Campanian coastline, his health gradually declining. His 21-year reign was the longest since Tiberius in the first century and would remain the fourth longest of all (beaten only by Augustus, Tiberius, and Antoninus Pius — his successor). Interred in the Mausoleum he had built for himself in 139, his legacy remained contentious.

The empire he left was secure and culturally enriched, and the succession had been smooth. However, the senate remained reluctant to deify him; theirs was a relationship that remained fractious until the very end. He was, in the end, honored with a temple in the Campus Martius (which has today been repurposed as Rome’s Chamber of Commerce). This temple was decorated with numerous reliefs depicting personifications of the provinces of his empire, identifiable by their iconic attributes, Hadrian’s cosmopolitanism manifest in marble. For Rome’s wandering emperor, there could have been no better guardians to keep watch over his temple.