What Was the Rhodesian Bush War?

The Rhodesian Bush War, also known as the Zimbabwean War of Liberation, raged for fifteen years in the wild and inhospitable heat of the African bush. Three factions vied for dominance in this cruel and unforgiving environment.

Like many wars in Africa in the 20th century, it was brought about by efforts to throw off the colonial yoke and assert the right to self-rule and sovereignty.

Britain had relinquished control over what had been the colony of Southern Rhodesia, but instead of allowing Black people to form a majority government, the white government in the capital of Salisbury declared full independence and refused to allow democracy to take its course.

The result was a long and bloody war.

The Rhodesian government, led by Prime Minister Ian Smith, sought to preserve minority white rule in the country, while the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and its militant wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), took up the gauntlet and maneuvered to take control. Facing them both was the Marxist-Leninist Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and its militant wing, Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA).

Despite having the common goal of achieving majority rule, ZANU and ZAPU differed in their ideology. ZANU, emphasizing guerilla tactics, was Maoist and was supplied by China, while ZAPU emphasized more conventional forms of warfare and was provided by the Soviet Union.

A commander, Rex Nhongo, who trained under both the Soviets and the Chinese, spoke of the difference in ideologies:

“In the Soviet Union they had told us that the decisive factor of the war is weapons.  When I got to Itumbi, where there were Chinese instructors, I was told that the decisive factor was the people.”

Nevertheless, these independence movements would ostensibly be allied in their quest to remove the minority white government from power. In their quest, they received support from militant groups in surrounding countries, such as Frelimo in Mozambique and the African National Congress (Nelson Mandela’s party) and its armed wing, uMkhonto we Sizwe, which was fighting against the apartheid government in South Africa.

Despite the fact that Southern Rhodesia had a population that was 96 percent Black and the fact that independence movements had already shown their intent to take up arms and fight, in November 1965, Ian Smith and the Rhodesian government signed the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). At the time, the white population was just 230,000 out of a total population of approximately 4.2 million.

This declaration was a direct affront to Britain’s attempt at decolonization, which had declared “no independence before majority rule.” As a result, Rhodesia went internationally unrecognized as a legitimate state. Sanctions were imposed on Rhodesia by much of the international community.

Nevertheless, it would receive significant support from South Africa and Portugal, which still owned the territories of Angola and Mozambique and was mired in a conflict against liberation forces.

Because of their small numbers, the Rhodesian Security Forces had to be well-trained, and they came to be seen as one of the world’s most effective fighting forces.

The Rhodesian Bush War is considered to have begun on July 4, 1964, when ZANU forces raided a white farm and killed a farmer, Pieter Oberholzer. The killing resulted in the government arresting and detaining several key leaders of ZANU and ZAPU. This, in turn, generated a military response. ZANLA forces, based in neighboring Mozambique and Zambia, began a campaign of sporadic guerilla actions against Rhodesian assets.

This situation continued until the UDI, when this action prompted ZANLA forces to intensify their attacks. The first major engagement in the war happened in a town called Sinoia in north-central Rhodesia. A team of seven ZANLA guerillas were engaged by 40 members of the Rhodesian British South African Police Forces, supported by four helicopters. All seven guerillas were killed in the action.

At this point in the conflict, the fighting was low-intensity and mostly confined to the northern areas of Rhodesia. Portugal’s control of Mozambique secured the entire eastern border.

Nevertheless, it became clear that the conflict would last many years, and the Rhodesian government escalated its efforts by expanding control of the situation to the army and air force. Generally operating in small counter-insurgency groups, the army’s soldiers were extremely well-trained.

With skirmishes across the northern border, the Rhodesian forces sought out and engaged small guerilla forces, while the Rhodesian Special Air Service and the famed Selous Scouts conducted cross-border raids into neighboring territories in order to seek out and destroy guerilla camps and bases of operation.

These actions were effective, and the Rhodesian government and its forces found themselves in a favorable position. Nationalist forces failed to make any progress within Rhodesia and were subject to their own internal divisions, which greatly affected their ability to mount any serious offensive operations.

In addition, the Rhodesian government had not suffered any disastrous effects from sanctions. Cooperation with Portugal and South Africa was strengthened, and the armed forces of each country helped each other suppress insurgent forces across their respective territories and well into the territories of neighboring countries in which nationalist insurgents took refuge.

Rhodesia was also able to procure modern arms and armor from effective smuggling operations.

In the early 1970s, fortunes began to shift massively. Guerilla attacks increased in intensity, and conscription was extended to one year for white males. The conscription age was also increased to 50, and no 17-year-olds were allowed to leave the country. Such was the dire need for manpower that began to plague the Rhodesian armed forces.

By 1974, it became clear that Portugal would grant independence to its colonial possessions in Africa. This was an extremely alarming development for Rhodesia, as it meant not just a probable end to Portuguese support for the minority government in Rhodesia but the fact that the Portuguese territory of Mozambique accounted for a huge section of the Rhodesian border, and without the Portuguese to secure it, the Mozambican territory would become a major staging ground for nationalist attacks. It also meant that Mozambique and Angola would help the nationalist groups in their quest to end white minority rule, not just politically but militarily.

On June 25, 1975, the socialist independence movement, Frelimo, took power in Mozambique. The Rhodesians could do nothing to stop their entire border, with Mozambique becoming a battleground. For many people, the writing was clearly already on the wall. White minority rule could not last forever.

Meanwhile, an increasing number of left-wing countries around the world were offering training to ZANLA and ZIPRA forces. These countries included Ethiopia, Yugoslavia, Romania, Cuba, the Soviet Union, and China.

Amid South Africa’s own increasingly difficult problems in conducting the Border War, supplying Rhodesia became a priority very low down on the list, and military support was slowly pulled. This included military personnel who had been supporting the Rhodesians in securing their border. The South Africans also disagreed with the Rhodesian handling of the conflict. They feared that the ZANLA body count would attract more attention from Cuba and the Soviet Union, who would deploy their militaries as a response.

Despite the dire outlook, the Smith government tried to entrench itself further and took more desperate measures to ensure its survival. The length of military service was increased from 12 to 18 months, and the Rhodesian government tried to offset its lack in numbers by hiring Black soldiers and recruiting volunteers from abroad.

As the months passed, these measures proved not to be enough. The Rhodesian government tried to satisfy itself by measuring success in terms of body count, but this was no more than a fantasy in terms of what it meant for final victory.

ZANLA forces were operating throughout the east, while ZIPRA forces pressed in from the west. Rhodesian security forces were unable to contain the numbers of militants, and insurgent strikes began happening on a more frequent basis.

Cross-border raids yielded results but were not enough to stem the tide. Further international pressure increased as the Rhodesians resorted to more brutal tactics, such as the raid on Nyadzonya in Mozambique, where Rhodesian forces dressed as FRELIMO (itself a war crime) entered a village where ZANLA operated and began killing indiscriminately. “Operation Eland” resulted in the death of 1,028 ZANLA guerillas with no Rhodesian losses.

Another incident in 1977, Operation Dingo, saw Rhodesian forces attacking the ZANLA bases at Chimoio and Tembue in Mozambique. The operation, which lasted for four days, is believed to have resulted in the deaths of 1,200 ZANLA soldiers as well as many civilians, further attracting unwanted international attention. Only two Rhodesian soldiers were killed and eight wounded in the operation. It skewed perceptions of who was winning the war and ultimately led to a more concerted African Nationalist effort to depose the government of Ian Smith.

A Way Out

Slowly, the Rhodesian government tried to find a way out and compromise with the less militant parts of the resistance. The opportunity presented itself in the form of the less militant faction of ZANU and the motions put forward by The United African National Council, a smaller independent faction led by Bishop Abel Muzorewa.

In 1976, a split had happened in ZANU. After the assassination of ZANU’s leader, Herbert Chitepo, there was a bid for power, which was won by Ndabaningi Sithole, who took over the reins of the party. His pacifist attitude and willingness to détente with Smith’s government caused many in the party to reject his leadership. With the widespread support of ZANLA, Robert Mugabe and Simon Muzenda formed the Patriotic Front, known as ZANU-PF, to carry on the military struggle against their oppressors.

Negotiations began, and in March 1978, an accord was reached in which Ian Smith agreed to majority rule but with substantial white representation. The new state would be called Zimbabwe-Rhodesia.

This accord, however, was roundly rejected by guerilla forces who wanted nothing but complete victory and complete majority rule. The guerilla forces of ZANLA and ZIPRA continued to fight, increasing the brutality as victory became a reality. Killing became indiscriminate, and civilians were targets of terrorist attacks in a war that saw the Rhodesian forces now become caught in the middle. ZANLA and ZIPRA forces began targeting each other as each faction wanted as much control as possible when the Smith government finally surrendered.

With a civil war between ZIPRA and ZANLA threatening to engulf the country, Rhodesian security forces attempted to draft Black Rhodesians into the armed forces, but the call-ups were roundly ignored.

A new government was formed with Abel Muzorewa at its head, but the accord that had brought about this transition did not include ZANU or ZAPU elements and was thus unrecognized by the international community.

With the state of Rhodesia-Zimbabwe collapsing, a new agreement was sought. This came in the form of the Lancaster House Agreement, in which the country was temporarily returned to British rule with the intention of holding democratic elections. These elections took place from February 14 to March 4, 1980, and resulted in a resounding victory for ZANU under the leadership of Robert Mugabe.

Mugabe became Prime Minister with Canaan Banana serving as president, the latter being a largely ceremonial position as the Prime Minister held much more power.

The Rhodesian Bush War, like so many wars in Africa, was the result of colonial enterprise. Over the course of 15 years, it escalated to the point where insurgent forces could no longer be contained.

And like all colonial conflicts in Africa, it proved that minority rule could not be sustained forever. A decade later, the white minority in South Africa would have to make similar compromises.